Robert Mueller has submitted his report. What now?

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Robert Mueller has submitted his report. What now?
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How do the scandals surrounding Donald Trump compare with those of previous presidents?

It is not yet clear whether Mr Mueller’s report contains devastating new evidence against the president, whether it adds nothing to the record, or something in-between. Yet the hundreds of pages of indictments that have already been made public provide a tantalising portrait of the scandals surrounding Mr Trump. And Mr Mueller’s indictments are just part of a wider ecosystem of investigations into the president.

In the 90 or so years between Grant stepping down and Richard Nixon taking office, four other presidents parried with independent prosecutors. James Garfield and Theodore Roosevelt were both investigated over allegations of corruption in the federal Post Office, resulting in hundreds of convictions. For Nixon, the answer to the first was that he did not have advance knowledge of the break-in, but knew about it shortly afterwards, at which point he ought to have called in the police. Then came the cover-up: the use of the CIA to prevent the FBI from investigating; his attempt to present edited versions of his White House tapes as being complete, thereby obstructing justice and holding Congress in contempt.

Yet the accusation that the president betrayed his trust to a foreign power is so serious that, if true, it would warrant impeachment on the terms set out by Madison. Impeachment by the House and a conviction in the Senate, which would require a two-thirds majority—a bar that is all the higher because of the way partisanship has intensified since Watergate.

The GRU agents did their work from Russia, hacking and spearphishing their way into the networks of the DNC, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and members of Hillary Clinton’s campaign staff in order to steal emails and implant malware. Using monikers including DCLeaks and Guccifer 2.

Mr Cohen also testified that Mr Trump “knew of and directed” negotiations about building a Trump Tower in Moscow during the campaign, and both lied about it and directed Mr Cohen to lie about it. These negotiations were fruitless, and at times comical, but not for any lack of effort from Mr Trump’s inner circle.

Start with the Congressional Democrats. After they won the House of Representatives in the midterm elections held last year, they gained control of committees, providing them with an arsenal of hearings, subpoena powers and summons to pursue the president. Under the new management, no fewer than five committees in the House have launched investigations into every aspect of Trump world.

Democrats sense a tantalising thicket of embarrassment: that the president paid ludicrously low amounts of tax ; that he is not worth as much as he claims; the possibility of bank, insurance and tax fraud and large, undisclosed entanglements with Saudi and Russian companies. The tax rule says that any documents furnished must be held confidentially—though they are unlikely to remain so once they arrive on Capitol Hill.

If Mr Trump inflated and deflated assets as often as Mr Cohen said he did, then false filings probably abound. That could expose Mr Trump and the Trump Organisation to charges for a range of financial crimes. And if his children were involved in any of these practices, then they too could face criminal or punishing civil consequences, even though Mr Mueller stayed his hand.

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