Analysis: The process doesn’t have to take down a president to do damage to his party
objection to the Democratic House majority’s decision to pursue impeachment against President Donald Trump is that the outcome is foreordained in the GOP Senate. In 1868, when the House launched impeachment proceedings against Andrew Johnson, and 1974, when it did so against Richard Nixon, there was a clear path to securing conviction and removal of a sitting president. No such possibility exists today.
In 1854, two years before Buchanan was elected president, Congress passed the Kansas-Nebraska Act, which organized the Kansas and Nebraska territories in preparation for statehood. At the demand of Southern senators, Stephen Douglas, the lead author of the bill, inserted a “popular sovereignty” provision empowering residents of the territories to decide whether to enter the Union as slave or free states.
Two days after Buchanan took the oath of office in March 1857, the United States Supreme Court poured gasoline on fire with its historic decision in the case of. Scott was a 62-year-old slave who in the 1830s had accompanied his owner on extended sojourns in Illinois and Minnesota—the latter still a territory, and part of the original Louisiana Purchase.
If their theory of the case was speculative, the committee members had little trouble unearthing evidence of wrongdoing. Previous administrations had used patronage and procurement to whip votes and build statewide party organizations, but Buchanan took the practice to a new level.
No less than today, people viewed politics through the prism of party. Thus, in Covode’s hometown, the Pittsburghstaunchly toed the Republican line and reported the committee’s work uncritically, while the Pittsburgh, an administration organ, argued that “In Pennsylvania where John Covode is known, it is regarded as an excellent joke to put him on a committee of political vice an immorality.
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