Political Islam: Why the religious conservatism wave is rising in Malaysia but ebbing in Indonesia

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Political Islam: Why the religious conservatism wave is rising in Malaysia but ebbing in Indonesia
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In the first of a five-part series on political Islam in Southeast Asia, CNA examines the rise of religious conservatism in Malaysia, why neighbouring Indonesia is seeing a contrasting picture, and what these trends could mean for these countries.

A group of young men chatting at a hut with Parti Islam Se-Malaysia flags in the background in Kuala Terengganu. KOTA BHARU, Kelantan: In a bustling central market in Kuala Terengganu, cracker seller Mdm Raqiah Abdullah flipped through pages of the Quran - the Muslim holy book - as she sat on a rickety stool.

Between 1974 and 2013, the UMNO-led Barisan Nasional coalition ruled the Terengganu state government except for a stint between 1999 and 2004 when Mr Abdul Hadi served as chief minister under the Barisan Alternatif coalition. In recent years, PAS’ popularity has seemingly grown beyond its peripheral supporter base and the party has become the foremost choice for many Muslims living in the rural Malay heartland.

Political analyst Norshahril Saat, senior fellow at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, told CNA that in recent years, PAS has strengthened its core power base in the northern states and the east coast while making inroads in other parts of Peninsular Malaysia. On the contrary, the elections in Indonesia last month appear to show that identity politics there has ebbed, despite initial worries that it could have been marred by religious conservatism.

All three pairs of presidential and vice-presidential candidates did not succumb to the use of identity politics to garner votes, observers noted.chairman of the Islamic National Awakening Party Muhaimin Iskandar; Mr Ujang Komarudin, a political Islam expert from Jakarta’s Al Azhar University, believes some political groups want to enforce Islamic ideologies but struggle to win in elections because Indonesian society is heterogeneous.

Many Indonesians practise a moderate form of Islam or are Muslims according to their identity cards but do not really practise the religion.Beyond that, analysts told CNA that the differing ideologies of various Islamic political groups and their inability to garner mainstream support as well as the country’s foundational philosophical theory of Pancasila appear to counter the threat of rising conservatism in Indonesia.

It was the fifth-largest party in parliament based on the results of the 2019 elections - behind the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle , Golkar, Gerindra and National Democratic Party .“Because we are led by Mr Muhaimin, who is Mr Anies's vice-presidential candidate, we received a significant coattail effect,” said Mr Zainul Munasichin, secretary of PKB’s election-winning unit.the tendency for a political party figure to attract votes for other candidates from the same party.

PAN’s secretary general Eddy Soeparno said it performed slightly better in February’s election compared to five years ago because of the perception then that it was right-wing due to its founder’s participation in events attended by hardline Islamic groups.It was one of the only three political parties during the regime of Suharto, along with nationalist party Golkar and PDI, now named PDI-P.Mr Muhammad Romahurmuziy, chairman of PPP’s advisory council, attributed this to many factors.

“This is what makes the character of Islam in Indonesia very different from others in the region,” he said. In a country with about 1,300 different ethnic groups, the analysts believe that Pancasila has been a crucial element in keeping the country united. At the federal level, PAS leads the opposition coalition PN together with the Malay nationalist party Bersatu.

Parti Islam Se-Malaysia president Abdul Hadi Awang at the party's 69th annual congress in Shah Alam, Selangor on Oct 21, 2023. However, there is a concern that if PAS persists with this conservative brand of Islam, it could polarise the country and pull citizens apart along religious and ethnic lines.

This transfer of support from UMNO to PAS in the Malay heartland is a huge political shift seen since 2018. Associate Professor Dr Mohd Yusri Ibrahim is based in Kuala Terengganu and does field research in villages across the east coast of Peninsular Malaysia. After trading party colours, Mr Shahidan clinched the Arau federal seat in the state of Perlis by a majority of more than 23,000 votes, having garnered only slim majorities of around 1,000 to 4,000 votes during the previous two national polls.

“The PAS supporters are loyal and will always vote for the party. These extra votes were from UMNO supporters and those who were on the fence,” Mr Shahidan said.

Meanwhile, PAS’ strength has also grown within the PN coalition and many observers feel it has solidified its position as the “big brother” in its partnership with Bersatu. Deputy minister for trade and industry Liew Chin Tong from DAP believes that PAS has overtaken Bersatu as the stronger force in the PN coalition.

“The Malay middle ground and the multi-ethnic Malaysian electorate would not buy into a hardline position,” said Mr Liew, who wrote an academic thesis on PAS and democracy that was published in 2006. “An important principle in political Islam in the Malaysian context, is the principle of which race is most influential, because there are some people who try and create confusion by saying that PAS is a party that is racist, because it upholds rights of Malay bumiputera, but we must distinguish between fighting for the rights of a certain race, and being racist.

Mr Mohd Firdaus Talha, a 21-year-old who studies at a religious school in Kelantan which is funded by PAS, told CNA that he voted for PAS as he did not want DAP and its “liberal ideals” to govern the northern state. “During that period, the dominant idea within PAS was to try and ... win the middle ground, to be a national party for the mainstream. But this push eventually led to the split within the party and the hardliners took charge while those who were trying to mainstream the party left and formed Amanah,” he added.

Also in February, Mr Abdul Hadi in his Chinese New Year message said that all Malaysians should aspire towards a prosperous nation in which all communities live in peace and harmony. “Islam is a religion that unites. We are good with everyone. We never planned to bring anyone down. We only plan to fix the beliefs of the Muslims,” he added.

Mr Yap Suat Ping, who sells Chinese-language newspapers in Terengganu, told CNA that there is an element of “unfairness” in this rule.“It’s ok for PAS to prohibit Muslims from gambling, but non-Muslims should be free to engage in this activity as well if they wish,” said the 70-year-old. A five-page letter from the palace of the Selangor ruler – who is also chairman of the National Council of Islamic Religious Affairs - outlined that Mr Abdul Hadi’s statements were “very inappropriate and rude”.

“In Malaysia politics, especially in the Malay heartland, what matters more is your skill to manipulate religious and racial sentiments. You don’t have to be a good governor or administrator, and you can win,” said Assoc Prof Mohd Yusri.

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