Incarceration is not only about prisons, jails, and detention centers, but also sites of disability confinement, including nursing homes.
These terms are also contested, sometimes by disabled people or people with mental health difference or that have been psychiatrized. In my work, I focus on people with intellectual and developmental disability labels and anti-psychiatry activists, communities that have embraced terms like neurodiversity more than “crip,” which is perceived as a term more representative to those who are politicized with physical or sensory disabilities.
In my own work on whiteness, I have critiqued its epistemological arrogance. Whiteness, on this score, functions as a site that is alleged to possess “absolute knowledge” about those who are deemed “other.” This “knowledge” functions as a site of what Charles Mills coined as epistemology of ignorance. According to this concept, white people are willfully ignorant. In other words, they decide to avoid information that shows that their beliefs are in fact false.
Abolition, whether of carcerality or ableism, is not only a political movement but also a specific epistemology that produces an ethical position. As an epistemology that produces specific forms of knowledge, abolition facilitates other ways of knowing. I call this, by which I mean letting go of attachment to certain ways of knowing. Dis-epistemology denotes letting go of the idea that anyone can have a definitive pathway for knowing how to rid ourselves of carceral logics.
As an example, COVID made it abundantly clear that the vast majority of people lack any disability competency or embodied experience with it. For a short time, it did lead to epistemic humility of some kind for some folks that just had to admit that they do not know how to live an enclosed life, sheltered in place, where most things are closed off or inaccessible to them and they often have to rely on others in getting their needs met.
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