“I want the bloody hands recorded.” Here, lilapearl reports on Machaela Cavanaugh’s tear-and-rage-filled filibuster of the Nebraska anti-trans bill she knew would probably pass anyway
, which would ban transgender people under the age of 19 from seeking what it described as “gender altering procedures,” including puberty-blocking drugs, hormone therapy, and surgery.
From the beginning, Cavanaugh knew she could lose and probably would. She had accepted that. What she wanted, at a minimum, was to make the Republicans suffer for their victory — to deprive them of the mindless ease of pressing a button to vote the party line. “If you want to inflict pain upon our children, I am going to inflict pain upon this body,” she promised on the floor in February. “People are like, ‘Is she threatening us?’ Let me be clear. Yes, I am. I am threatening you.
In 2018, Cavanaugh beat an incumbent Republican in a Republican district. She was one of just two candidates in the state that year to run an openly pro-choice campaign. She concluded that most Nebraskans are less conservative than the officials who tend to represent them. For four years, Cavanaugh prioritized building relationships with Republicans, as any Nebraskan Democrat who wants to pass laws must.
Nearly every bill in Nebraska gets an open hearing — an opportunity for citizens to express their thoughts and concerns about the legislation and for lawmakers to invite experts to testify. In February, hundreds traveled to the statehouse for the hearing on LB 574. In her opening presentation, Kauth, who is as restrained as Cavanaugh is boisterous, wore a boxy red blazer and spoke in an even tone.
other side, which counted twice as many medical professionals and psychologists, included representatives from the Nebraska Medical Association, the Nebraska Psychological Association, the Nebraska Chapter of the American Academy of Pediatrics, and the Nebraska Nurses Association. “This bill rejects the best literature,” Dr.
Every bill that comes out of committee is allowed three rounds of debate, and each round culminates in a vote. The process is designed so senators can offer amendments and, in theory, improve — or kill — a bill before it becomes a law. In many respects, the debate over trans health care, like the debates over abortion and other divisive issues, highlights the meaninglessness of this process.
When I visited in April, the Republicans who remained on the fence seemed hopeful the conversation might yield a compromise that would make them more comfortable with the bill. One morning, Senator Merv Riepe, a Republican, who, at 80, is the oldest senator in the legislature, suggested we leave the chamber and talk in the corridor outside. A former hospital administrator, Riepe hadn’t spoken once during the debates. He wore a navy suit, a red tie, and a slight frown.
Cavanaugh leaned forward. “I think if you’re willing, then talking to him is a good thing,” she said.A group of three Republicans entered the bar and walked past their table. Hunt shot them a look. Nobody said “hello” or nodded. She turned back to her friends. “Myron came over to me today,” she said, referring to the senator who had thanked her for her speech on the floor.
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