A new ruling by the Trump administration suggests that the weapons could make a comeback in America’s war plans
DURING THE Gulf war of 1991, no fewer than 117,000 landmines were showered over Kuwait and Iraq by American planes. This barely dented the Pentagon’s vast stockpile of 19m. Just under a quarter of the devices scattered in the path of Saddam Hussein’s army were anti-personnel landmines , the sort that would soon be banned by the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention of 1997, widely known as the Ottawa treaty, a cause famously championed by Princess Diana.
Landmines have a number of military uses. They are typically used to channel opposing armies away from particular areas and into others. A minefield can force an enemy to turn, which exposes their flank and makes them especially vulnerable, says Vincent Brooks, a retired general who commanded American forces in South Korea in 2016-18. They can also be used to “canalise” the enemy, channelling attackers into unfavourable terrain, where they might be more exposed to concentrated artillery fire.
Yet landmines are reviled weapons, and not without good reason. “They’re indiscriminate,” says General Brooks, “so anyone or anything that moves through that area can be a problem.” That includes friendly forces—modern armies shun static defences in favour of what they call “manoeuvre warfare”, so today’s defensive minefield can be tomorrow’s headache. And that also includes civilians.
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