Democrats hope the November electorate is at least as large as that Jan. 5, 2021, electorate.
FILE - Sen. Raphael Warnock, D-Ga., speaks at the Gwinnett County Democratic Party fundraiser on May 21, 2022 in Norcross, Ga. Four years ago, Georgia Democrats had a contested primary for governor because the party old guard didn't believe in Stacey Abrams. She blew away the elders' alternative and, in a close general election loss, established herself as de facto party boss in a newfound battleground. loss, established herself as de facto party boss in a newfound battleground.
Abrams is no longer a burgeoning juggernaut running against a little-known secretary of state; she’s a battle-worn challenger facing Republican Gov. Brian Kemp, a well-positioned incumbent. Warnock isn’t a political newcomer but a sitting senator who must distinguish himself from a relatively unpopular president who once campaigned for him — a point underscored by GOP nominee Herschel Walker relentlessly criticizing Warnock as a rubber-stamp for the White House.
That approach aligns with the national midterm pitch that Biden unveiled Thursday at a campaign rally in Maryland, where he cast voters’ choice in November as being between Democrats and Trump’s “MAGA movement,” a dominant strain of the GOP that Biden said resembles “semi-fascism.” Indeed, Georgia Democrats agree that the Supreme Court’s decision eliminating a constitutional right to access abortion, combined with Georgia’s near ban, is a critical enough issue to overcome swing voters’ worries about the economy.
Jordan talks openly of crime increases but dismisses Republicans’ effort to cast it as “an Atlanta problem” — GOP framing aimed at white voters beyond the demographically diverse and heavily Democratic city.
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