The first hearing is aimed mainly at laying out Trump’s actions and intentions. What Congress should do about it, which is harder to answer, comes later, writes columnist DoyleMcManus.
Democrats and Republicans at the public impeachment hearing will battle for the support of Americans who haven’t made up their minds about removing President Trump.Republicans may also seek evidence that the Ukrainians didn’t know that Trump was blocking the nearly $400 million in security aid, so it couldn’t have been part of a quid pro quo.
But the evidence is mixed on when the Ukrainians got wind of the problem. And it’s a curious defense because it boils down to this: Yes, Trump tried to use U.S. aid as leverage to boost his political campaign, but only for a short time — and he stopped when he got caught.Instead, they head toward dismissing Democrats’ concerns as unimportant — or, more to the point, unimpeachable. It’s not about the facts. It’s about value judgments.in 1998.
Trump clearly did what he’s accused of doing. The White House memorandum of Trump’s July 25 phone call with Ukraine’s leader shows he asked for an investigation of Biden and Democrats in response to a request for military help. The question is whetherSen. Rob Portman , who would be a juror if the House impeaches the president and the case moves to the Senate for trial, has staked out a middle ground.
“The president should not have raised the Biden issue, period. It’s not appropriate for a president to engage a foreign government in an investigation of a political opponent,” Portman said recently. But he added, “I don’t view it as an impeachable offense.” He hasn’t said why. But at least his position is more coherent than that one of Trump’s most ardent defenders, Sen. Lindsey Graham : “I made my mind up. There’s nothing there.”
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